Union political action effort responds to crises

Ivan Tiger recalled a time when teacher union leaders couldn't even get an appointment with a state legislator. "Now they see us without appointments. They come to us," said Tiger, a longtime activist with the United Federation of Teachers, the union's New York City affiliate. "Not only have we created a strong power base around the state, we've built up a tremendous amount of credibility."

To get to the point where Capitol insiders refer to New York State United Teachers' political organization as "the 800-pound gorilla," it took a lot of hard work, money, perseverance and principle.

When NYSUT was formed in the early 1970s, the political climate was treacherous for teachers. A three-year freeze in state aid led to severe budget cuts. Striking teachers were being jeered and jailed; the Legislature had imposed a 2-for-1 pay loss penalty and one-year probation for striking public employees.

In 1970, the state Legislature overwhelmingly approved a bill freezing district budgets and teaching salaries in those districts defeating school budgets.

Wake-up call

Although Gov. Rockefeller vetoed the bill because it negated teachers' rights under the Taylor Law, it was a preview of things to come. In 1971, the Legislature approved the Jerabek bills - which jumped teachers' probation to five years, abolished the minimum salary law, mandated urinalysis testing and prohibited school districts from granting sabbatical leaves to teachers.

For many, that was the wake-up call for a radical idea: political action.

Marcella Fugle, a western New York political activist, recalled storming the Capitol with 50 unionists. "My assemblyman introduced me to Assemblyman Jerabek and I'll never forget it," Fugle said. "He told me if I were a dedicated teacher, I'd be back in my classroom."

Assemblyman Charles Jerabek taught teachers the power of political action. By the next legislative session, the laws were repealed and Jerabek's political career was over. (He lost the Republican endorsement and was defeated that year running as a Conservative.)

Teachers' trials continue

NYSUT's first formal Committee of 100 was in 1973, to fight what Al Shanker called "the destruction of the retirement system." The name insufficiently described the group: The first Committee of 100 was 165-strong. Busloads of activists descended on the Capitol to urge legislators not to create a separate pension for new entrants. Though some provisions of the Kinzel Commission's pension report were killed, the tiered retirement system - which remains today - was born.

At the time, NYSUT President Tom Hobart acknowledged the newly merged organization did not yet have the political power to turn the tide. But defeat strengthened resolve.

"It took a while to convince teachers it was important to be politically active," said NYSUT Executive Vice President Alan Lubin, one of the union's early activists. "Some didn't consider it professional."

As the grassroots movement took seed, NYSUT built an impressive legislative legacy:

• "a revolution in tenure" in 1975, which provided tenure transfer rights for teachers who changed tenure areas. It also set a two-year probation for those who switched districts;
• the 1976 override of Gov. Carey's veto of the Stavisky-Goodman bill, requiring New York City to fund schools at no less than the past three years' average. It was the first override of a governor's veto in 104 years;
• the Public Employment Relations Board powers bill in 1977, which put teeth into enforcement of PERB orders correcting improper practices;
• In 1978, the Committee of 100 braved a 16-inch blizzard to lobby for Taylor Law reform and state aid. Six months later, Gov. Carey repealed the law's one-year probation penalty for striking public employees;
• extension of tenure rights to teachers working in districts with fewer than eight employees (1980);
• a 1981 law giving substitute teachers the right to bargain collectively;
• the 1982 Triborough Amendment to the Taylor Law, requiring that terms of an expired contract continue until a successor agreement is reached;
• creation of teacher centers (1984) and the mentor-intern program (1986), both acknowledged as national models;
• Excellence in Teaching funding (1986) to boost teachers' salaries;
• passage of the "12-for-10" law (1989), providing School-Related Personnel a full year's retirement credit for each full school year worked; and
• a half-dozen early retirement incentives; pension supplementation and health insurance protection for retirees.

The successes can be attributed to grassroots efforts of individual members and the growth in voluntary contributions to VOTE-COPE, the union's non-partisan political action fund, Lubin said. VOTE-COPE has grown steadily, with a record $2.7 million donated in 1997 - helping the union get its message out and compete with the powerful business lobby and anti-tax groups in Albany.

The Committee of 100 has remained strong, in good times and bad. Activists descend on the Capitol en masse at least twice a year; plus lobby days for retirees, higher education, teacher center and health care advocates.

"Our influence has grown because the legislators realize that we are informed - and we do follow the legislation and their votes," said Glen La Fave, a political action coordinator in the north country.

Continue to 'The Union Label'